How Prevalent is Child Sexual Abuse?
FACT: The real prevalence of child sexual abuse is not known because so many victims do not disclose or report their abuse. Studies suggest an overall prevalence rate of 7.5% to 11.7%*, with the prevalence rate for girls at 10.7% to 17.4%*, and the rate for boys at 3.8% to 4.6%*.
FACT: Even if the true prevalence of child sexual abuse is not known, most will agree that there will be 400,000 babies born in the US this year that will be sexually abused before they turn 18 if we do not prevent it.
Adult retrospective studies show that 1 in 10 children will be sexually abused before the age of 18 (Darkness to Light, 2013). This means there are more than 42 million adult survivors of child sexual abuse in the U.S.
The primary reason that the public is not sufficiently aware of child sexual abuse as a problem is that 73% of child victims do not tell anyone about the abuse for at least a year. 45% of victims do not tell anyone for at least 5 years. Some never disclose (Smith et al., 2000; Broman-Fulks et al., 2007).
FACT: Most people think of adult rape as a crime of great proportion and significance. Most are unaware that children are victimized at a much higher rate than adults.
Nearly 70% of all reported sexual assaults (including assaults on adults) occur to children ages 17 and under (Snyder, 2000).
Youths have higher rates of sexual assault victimization than adults. In 2000, the sexual assault victimization rate for youths 12 to 17 was 2.3 times higher than for adults (U.S. Dept. of Justice, Bureau of Justice Statistics, 2000).
Are There Certain Factors that Put A Child at Risk for Sexual Abuse?
FACT: Children of every gender, age, race, ethnicity, background, socioeconomic status and family structure are at risk. No child is immune.
FACT: Family and acquaintance child sexual abuse perpetrators have reported that they look for specific characteristics in the children they choose to abuse.
Perpetrators report that they look for passive, quiet, troubled, lonely children from single parent or broken homes (Budin & Johnson 1989).
Perpetrators frequently seek out children who are particularly trusting (Conte et al., 1987) and work proactively to establish a trusting relationship before abusing them (Budin & Johnson, 1989; Conte, Wolfe, & Smith, 1989; Elliott et al., 1995; Warner-Kearney, 1987). Not infrequently, this extends to establishing a trusting relationship with the victim’s family as well (Elliott et al., 1995).
FACT: There are child and family
characteristics that significantly heighten or lower risk of sexual
abuse. The following risk factors are based on reported and
identified cases of abuse.
Family structure is the most important risk factor in child sexual abuse. Children who live with two married biological parents are at low risk for abuse. The risk increases when children live with step-parents or a single parent. Children living without either parent (foster children) are 10 times more likely to be sexually abused than children that live with both biological parents. Children who live with a single parent that has a live-in partner are at the highest risk: they are 20 times more likely to be victims of child sexual abuse than children living with both biological parents (Sedlack, et. al., 2010).
Gender is also a major factor in sexual abuse. Females are 5 times more likely to be abused than males (Sedlack, et. al., 2010). The age of the male being abused also plays a part. 8% of victims age 12-17 are male. 26% of victims under the age of 12 are male (Snyder, 2000).
Age is a significant factor in sexual abuse. While there is risk for children of all ages, children are most vulnerable to abuse between the ages of 7 and 13 (Finkelhor, 1994). The median age for reported abuse is 9 years old (Putnam, 2003). However, more than 20% of children are sexually abused before the age of 8 (Snyder, 2000).
Race and ethnicity are an important factor in identified sexual abuse. African American children have almost twice the risk of sexual abuse than white children. Children of Hispanic ethnicity have a slightly greater risk than non-Hispanic white children (Sedlack, et. al., 2010).
The risk for sexual abuse is tripled for children whose parent(s) are not in the labor force (Sedlack, et. al., 2010).
Children in low socioeconomic status households are 3 times as likely to be identified as a victim of child abuse (Sedlack, et. al., 2010).
Most studies have reported that children with disabilities are at greater risk for sexual abuse. The latest research identified incidents of child sexual abuse involving children with disabilities at only half the rate of their non-disabled peers.
Children who live in rural areas are almost 2 times more likely to be identified as victims of child sexual abuse (Sedlack, et. al., 2010).
Children who witness or are the victim of other crimes are significantly more likely to be sexually abused (Finkelhor, 2010).
Child Abuse Statistics were retrieved from the Darkness2Light website.
When, Where and How Does Sexual Abuse Occur?
FACT: MANY PERPETRATORS "GROOM" VICTIMS AND THEIR FAMILIES.
Many establish a trusting relationship with the victim’s family (Elliott et al., 1995), in order to gain access to the child (Berliner & Conte, 1990; Conte et al., 1989).
Perpetrators employ successively inappropriate comments and increasingly inappropriate touches and behaviors so insidious that the abuse is often well under way before the child recognizes the situation as sexual or inappropriate (Berliner & Conte, 1990; Conte et al., 1989).
Strategies employed to gain the compliance of victims include the addition and withdrawal of inducements (attention, material goods, and privileges), misrepresentation of society’s morals and standards and/or the abusive acts themselves, and externalization of responsibility for the abuse onto the victim (Berliner & Conte, 1990; Conte et al., 1989).
35% of convicted child molesters use threats of violence to keep children from disclosing the abuse. General threats and physical force are also used to prevent detection (Ohio Department of Corrections, 1992).
FACT: CHILD SEXUAL ABUSE OFTEN TAKES PLACE
UNDER SPECIFIC, OFTEN SURPRISING CIRCUMSTANCES. IT IS HELPFUL TO
KNOW THESE CIRCUMSTANCES BECAUSE IT ALLOWS FOR THE DEVELOPMENT OF
STRATEGIES TO AVOID CHILD SEXUAL ABUSE.
81% of child sexual abuse incidents for all ages occur in one-perpetrator/one-child circumstances. 6-11 year old children are most likely (23%) to be abused in multi-victim circumstances (Snyder, 2000).
Most sexual abuse of children occurs in a residence, typically that of the victim or perpetrator. 84% of sexual victimization of children under age 12 occurs in a residence. Even older children are most likely to be assaulted in a residence. 71% of sexual assaults on children age 12-17 occur in a residence (Snyder, 2000).
Sexual assaults on children are most likely to occur at 8 a.m., noon and 3-4 p.m. For older children, ages 12-17, there is also a peak in assaults in the late evening hours (Snyder, 2000).
1 in 7 incidents of sexual assault perpetrated by juveniles occur on school days in the after-school hours between 3 and 7 p.m., with a peak from 3 – 4 pm (Snyder, 2000).
Who Abuses Children?
FACT: THOSE THAT MOLEST CHILDREN LOOK AND ACT JUST LIKE EVERYONE ELSE. THERE ARE PEOPLE WHO HAVE OR WILL SEXUALLY ABUSE CHILDREN IN YOUR CHURCH, SCHOOL AND YOUTH SPORTS LEAGUES. ABUSERS CAN BE NEIGHBORS, FRIENDS AND FAMILY MEMBERS. MOST SIGNIFICANTLY, ABUSERS ARE OFTEN CHILDREN THEMSELVES.
Family members commit 39% of the reported sexual assaults on children (Snyder, 2000).
56% of those that sexually abuse a child are acquaintances of either the child or the family (Snyder, 2000).
Only 5% of sexual abuse is perpetrated by a stranger (Snyder, 2000).
The younger the victim, the more likely it is that the abuser is a family member. 50% of those molesting a child under 6 were family members. 23% of those abusing a 12-17 year-old child were family members (Snyder, 2000).
34% of child sexual abuse is perpetrated by juveniles. In fact, 7% of sexual abuse is perpetrated by youth under the age of 12 (Snyder, 2000).
The younger the child victim, the more likely it is that the perpetrator is a juvenile. Juveniles are the offenders in 43% of assaults on children under age 6. 14% of these offenders are under the age of 12 (Snyder, 2000).
Homosexual individuals are no more likely to sexually abuse children than heterosexual individuals.\ (Jenny, et. al., 1994).
FACT: NOT EVERYONE THAT SEXUALLY ABUSES CHILDREN IS A PEDOPHILE OR A SEX OFFENDER LIKELY TO REPEAT THE CRIME. CHILD SEXUAL ABUSE IS PERPETRATED BY A WIDE RANGE OF INDIVIDUALS WITH DIVERSE MOTIVATIONS. IT IS IMPOSSIBLE TO IDENTIFY SPECIFIC CHARACTERISTICS THAT ARE COMMON TO ALL THOSE THAT MOLEST CHILDREN.
Situational offenders tend to offend at times of stress, have a later onset of offending, have fewer, often familial victims, and have a general preference for adult partners (Abel, Mittleman,
and Becker, 1985).
Pedophilic offenders often start offending at an early age and often have a large number of victims who are frequently extrafamilial (Abel, Mittleman, and Becker,1985).
70% of child sex offenders have between 1 and 9 victims; 20% have 10 to 40 victims (Elliott & Kilcoyne, 1995).
Of the small percentage of perpetrators that have large numbers of victims, the number of victims can be staggering. A study of pedophiles that molest boys had committed an average of 282 offenses against 150 victims (Grossman, et. al., 1999).
Research suggests that incest offenders re-offend at approximately half the rate of "acquaintance" child molesters. (Grossman, et. al., 1999) In one study, offenders convicted of incest had re-offending rates that ranged from 4-10%, those convicted of molesting girls have rates of 10-29%, and those convicted of molesting boys have rates of 13-40%. Those convicted of raping adults typically have higher rates of re-offense (Marshall, Barbaree, 1990). These rates are likely low because not all re-offenses result in arrest or come to the attention of the authorities.
FACT: MOST ADOLESCENT SEX OFFENDERS ARE NOT SEXUAL PREDATORS AND DO NOT DO THEY MEET THE CRITERIA FOR PEDOPHILIA. (AMERICAN PSYCHIATRIC ASSOCIATION, 1994). MOST WILL NOT GO ON TO BECOME ADULT OFFENDERS.
Adolescent sex offenders are more responsive to treatment than adults. They do not appear to continue to re-offend into adulthood, especially when provided with appropriate treatment (Association for the Treatment of Sexual Abusers, 2000).
How Many Child Sexual Abuse Perpetrators Go To Jail?
FACT: RESEARCH SUGGESTS THAT FAR FEWER THAN 1/3 OF CHILD SEXUAL ABUSE INCIDENTS ARE IDENTIFIED OR REPORTED.
Of those identified by professionals, up to 25% of these are not reported.
Police make arrests in about 29% of cases reported to them.
More than 13% of sex offenses are not prosecuted. In a number of the cases prosecuted, the alleged perpetrator is acquitted.
Of those convicted, a number of offenders are sentenced to probation rather than jail time.
Assuming that all research and data presented is valid, logic suggests that substantially less than 3% of child sexual abuse perpetrators serve jail time for their offense.
Of those that are incarcerated for child sexual abuse convictions in the 1990’s, the average time served by molesters of young children was 44.8 months. Molesters of underage teens served a mean sentence of 17.3 months (Ohio Department of Corrections, 1992).
What Are the Immediate Consequences for the Child Victim?
FACT: IF CHILD SEXUAL ABUSE LEFT PHYSICAL SCARS INSTEAD EMOTIONAL ONES, PEOPLE WOULD BE HORRIFIED. SEXUAL ABUSE CAN NEGATIVELY IMPACT EVERY PART OF A VICTIM’S LIFE. THE REAL TRAGEDY IS THAT IT ROBS CHILDREN OF THEIR POTENTIAL, SETTING INTO MOTION A CHAIN OF EVENTS AND DECISIONS THAT FOLLOW THE VICTIM THROUGHOUT HIS OR HER LIFE. It is important to note that victims suffer a wide range of reactions to sexual abuse, both in magnitude and form. Resilient children may not suffer serious consequences, whereas other children with the same
experience may be highly traumatized.
FACT: EMOTIONAL AND MENTAL HEALTH PROBLEMS ARE OFTEN THE FIRST CONSEQUENCE AND SIGN OF CHILD SEXUAL ABUSE. HOWEVER, IT SHOULD BE NOTED THAT SOME VICTIMS DO NOT DISPLAY EMOTIONAL PROBLEMS OR ANY OTHER IMMEDIATE SYMPTOM IN RESPONSE TO THE ABUSE.
Children who are sexually abused are at significantly greater risk for later posttraumatic stress and other anxiety symptoms (McLeer et al., 1998), depression (Kilpatrick, et al., 2003; Tebbutt, et. al., 1997; Wozencraft, et. al., 1991) and suicide attempts (Dube et al., 2005; Waldrop et al., 2007).
These psychological problems can lead to significant disruptions in normal development and often have a lasting impact, leading to dysfunction and distress well into adulthood (Banyard, et. al., 2001; Briere et. al., 1994; Browne et. al., 1986; Molnar et. al., 2001; Polunsy, et. al., 1995; Saunders et al., 1999; Young, et. al., 2007).
Behavioral problems, including physical aggression, non-compliance, and oppositionality occur frequently among sexually abused children and adolescents (Dubowitz, et al., 1993).
Child sexual abuse has been linked to higher levels of risk behaviors (Acierno et al., 2000; Felitti et al., 1998; Springs & Friedrich, 1992; Walker et al., 1999).
FACT: SEXUAL BEHAVIOR PROBLEMS AND
OVER-SEXUALIZED BEHAVIOR ARE A VERY COMMON CONSEQUENCE OF CHILD
SEXUAL ABUSE. THESE ARE SIGNS OF ABUSE THAT ARE NOT ALWAYS INCLUDED
ON "WHAT TO LOOK FOR" LISTS, PROBABLY BECAUSE MANY FIND IT
UNPLEASANT TO THINK ABOUT. HOWEVER, AGE-INAPPROPRIATE BEHAVIOR CAN
BE A VERY IMPORTANT AND TELLING SIGN THAT ABUSE IS OR HAS
OCCURRED.
Children who have been sexually abused have over three times as many sexual behavior problems as children who have not been sexually abused (Giradet, et. al., 2009).
Victims of child sexual abuse are more likely to be sexually promiscuous (Kellogg, et. al., 1999; Noll, et. al., 2003; Paolucci, et. al., 2001; Saewyc, et. al., 2004). FACT: ACADEMIC PROBLEMS IN CHILDHOOD ARE COMMON IN CHILDREN WHO ARE SEXUALLY ABUSED. VICTIMS PERFORM AT LOWER LEVELS THAN THEIR NON-ABUSED COUNTERPARTS.
Sexually abused children tended to perform lower on psychometric tests measuring cognitive ability, academic achievement, and memory assessments when compared to same-age non-sexually abused cohorts (Friedrich, et. al., 1994; Sadeh, et. al., 1994; Trickett, et. al., 1994; Wells, et. al., 1997).
Studies indicate that sexual abuse exposure among children and adolescents is associated with high school absentee rates (Leiter & Johnson, 1997), more grade retention (Reyome, 1994), increased need for special education services (Reyome, 1994) and difficulty with school adaptation.
39% of 7-12 year-old girls with a history of child sexual abuse had academic difficulties (Daignault and Herbert, 2009).
7-12 year-old girls with a history of child sexual abuse were 50% more likely to display cognitive ability below the 25th percentile (Daignault and Herbert, 2009).
26% of 7-12 year-old girls with a history of child sexual abuse reported that their grades dropped after they were abused and 48% had below-average grades (Daignault and Herbert, 2009).
A history of child sexual abuse significantly increases the chance of dropping out of school (Beitchman et al., 1992; Briere; Elliott, 1994; Browne and Finkelhor, 1986; Polunsy and Follette, 1995; Saunders et al., 1999).
FACT: SUBSTANCE ABUSE PROBLEMS BEGINNING IN CHILDHOOD OR ADOLESCENCE ARE ONE OF THE MOST COMMON CONSEQUENCES OF CHILD SEXUAL ABUSE.
A number of studies have found that adolescents with a history of child sexual abuse demonstrate a 3 to 4-fold increase in rates of substance abuse/dependence (Kilpatrick, et. al., 2003; Acierno et al., 2000; Felitti et al., 1998; Springs & Friedrich, 1992; Walker et al., 1999).
Drug abuse is more common than alcohol abuse for adolescent child sexual abuse victims. Age of onset for nonexperimental drug use was 14.4 years old for victims, compared to 15.1 years old for nonvictimized youth (Kilpatrick et al., 2000).
Adolescents were 2 to 3 times more likely to have an alcohol use/dependence problem than nonvictims (Kilpatrick et al., 2000).
FACT: DELINQUENCY AND CRIME, OFTEN RESULTING
FROM SUBSTANCE ABUSE, IS MORE PREVALENT IN ADOLESCENTS WITH A
HISTORY OF CHILD SEXUAL ABUSE.
Adolescents who were sexually abused have a 3 to 5-fold risk of delinquency (Kilpatrick, et. al., 2003).
Behavioral problems, including physical aggression, non-compliance, and oppositionality occur frequently among sexually abused children and adolescents (Dubowitz, et al., 1993).
These emotional and behavioral difficulties can lead to delinquency, poor school performance and dropping out of school (Beitchman et al., 1992; Briere & Elliott, 1994; Browne & Finkelhor, 1986; Polunsy & Follette, 1995; Saunders et al., 1999).
Adolescents that reported victimization (i.e., sexual abuse or physical abuse) were more likely to be arrested than their non-abused peers (Widom & Maxfield, 2001).
Sexually abused children were nearly twice as likely to run away from home (Siegel & Williams, 2003).
FACT: THE RISK OF TEEN PREGNANCY IS MUCH HIGHER
FOR GIRLS WITH A HISTORY OF CHILD SEXUAL ABUSE. THIS IS LIKELY DUE
TO OVER-SEXUALIZED BEHAVIOR, A COMMON CONSEQUENCE OF
CHILD
SEXUAL ABUSE.
Girls who are sexually abused are 2.2 times as likely as non-abused peers to become teen mothers (Noll, Shenk, & Putnam, 2009).
45% of pregnant teens report a history of child sexual abuse (Noll, Shenk, & Putnam, 2009).
Males who are sexually abused are more likely than their non-abused peers to impregnate a teen. In fact, several studies indicate that the sexual abuse of boys is a stronger risk factor for teen pregnancy than the sexual abuse of girls (Herrenkohl, et. al., 1998; Raj, et. al., 2000; Saewyc, et. al., 2004).
Most sexual abuse incidents reported by pregnant teens occurred well before the incident that resulted in pregnancy. Only 11-13% of pregnant girls with a history of child sexual abuse reported that they had become pregnant as a direct result of this abuse (Boyer & Fine, 1992; Herrenkohl, et. al., 1998).
What are the Long Term Consequences of Child Sexual Abuse?
FACT: THE CONSEQUENCES OF CHILD SEXUAL ABUSE OFTEN FOLLOW VICTIMS INTO ADULTHOOD. MOST PEOPLE HAVE NO IDEA THAT THE EFFECTS OF CHILD SEXUAL ABUSE ARE SO PERVASIVE IN ADULT LIFE. ALTHOUGH SURVIVORS OF CHILD SEXUAL ABUSE ARE NEGATIVELY IMPACTED AS A WHOLE, IT IS IMPORTANT TO REALIZE THAT MANY INDIVIDUAL SURVIVORS DO NOT SUFFER THESE CONSEQUENCES. CHILD SEXUAL ABUSE DOES NOT NECESSARILY SENTENCE A VICTIM TO AN IMPAIRED LIFE. FACT: SUBSTANCE ABUSE PROBLEMS ARE A COMMON CONSEQUENCE FOR ADULT SURVIVORS OF CHILD SEXUAL ABUSE.
Female adult survivors of child sexual abuse are nearly three times more likely to report substance use problems (40.5% versus 14% in general population), (Simpson and Miller, 2002).
Male adult CSA victims 2.6 times more likely to report substance use problems (65% versus 25% in general population), (Simpson and Miller, 2002).
Abused or neglected individuals 1.5 times more likely to report lifetime illicit drug use (Widom, Marmorstein, & White, 2006). FACT: MENTAL HEALTH PROBLEMS ARE A COMMON LONG-TERM CONSEQUENCE OF CHILD SEXUAL ABUSE.
Adult women who were sexually abused as a child are more than twice as likely to suffer from depression as women who were not sexually abused (Rohde, et. al., 2008).
Adults with a history of child sexual abuse are more than twice as likely to report a suicide attempt (Dube, et. al., 2005, Waldrop, et. al., 2007).
Girls who are sexually abused are 3 times more likely to develop psychiatric disorders than girls who are not sexually abused (Day, et. al., 2003; Kendler, et. al., 2000; Voeltanz, et. al., 1999).
Among male survivors, more than 70% seek psychological treatment for issues such as substance abuse, suicidal thoughts and attempted suicide (Walrath, et. al., 2003).
FACT: OBESITY AND EATING DISORDERS ARE MORE COMMON IN WOMEN WHO HAVE A HISTORY OF CHILD SEXUAL ABUSE.
20 – 24 year-old women who were sexually abused as children were four times more likely than their non-abused peers to be diagnosed with an eating disorder (Fuemmeler, et. al., 2009).
Middle-aged women who were sexually abused as children were twice as likely to be obese when compared with their non-abused peers (Rohde, et. al., 2008).
FACT: CHILD SEXUAL ABUSE IS ALSO ASSOCIATED WITH PHYSICAL HEALTH PROBLEMS IN ADULTHOOD. IT IS THEORIZED THAT THIS IS A CONSEQUENCE OF THE SUBSTANCE ABUSE, MENTAL HEALTH ISSUES AND OTHER RISKS THAT SURVIVORS OF CHILD SEXUAL ABUSE FACE.
Generally, adult victims of child sexual abuse have higher rates of health care utilization and report significantly more health complaints compared to adults without a CSA history (Arnow, 2004; Golding, Cooper, and George, 1997; Thompson, Arias, Basile and Desai, 2002). This is true for both self-reported doctor’s visits and objective examination of medical records (Newman et al., 2000). These health problems represent a burden both to the survivor and the healthcare system.
Adult survivors of child sexual abuse are at greater risk of a wide range of conditions that are non-life threatening and are potentially psychosomatic in nature. These include fibromyalgia (Walker et al, 1997), severe premenstrual syndrome (Golding, Taylor, Menard, & King, 2000), chronic headaches (Peterlin, Ward, Lidicker, & Levin, 2007), irritable bowel syndrome and a wide range of reproductive and sexual health complaints, including excessive bleeding, amenorrhea, pain during intercourse and menstrual irregularity (Golding, 1996).
Not only do survivors of child sexual abuse have more minor health conditions, they are at greater risk for more serious conditions as well. Adults with a history of child sexual abuse are 30% more likely than their non-abused peers to have a serious medical condition such as diabetes, cancer, heart problems, stroke or hypertension (Sachs-Ericsson, et. al., 2005).
Male sexual abuse survivors have twice the HIV-infection rate of non-abused males (Zierler, et. al., 1991). In a study of HIV-infected 12-20 year olds, 41 percent reported a sexual abuse history (Dekker, et. al. 1990).
FACT: ADULT SURVIVORS OF CHILD SEXUAL
ABUSE ARE MORE LIKELY TO BECOME INVOLVED IN CRIME, BOTH AS A
PERPETRATOR AND AS A VICTIM. THIS IS LIKELY A PRODUCT OF A HIGHER
RISK FOR SUBSTANCE ABUSE PROBLEMS AND ASSOCIATED LIFESTYLE
FACTORS.
Adult survivors were more than twice as likely to be arrested for a property offense (9.3% versus 4.4%), (Siegel and Williams, 2003).
As adults, child sexual abuse victims were almost twice as likely to be arrested for a violent offense (20.4% versus 10.7%), (Siegel & Williams, 2003).
Males who have been sexually abused are more likely to violently victimize others (Walrath, et. al., 2003).
FACT: ALTHOUGH DIFFICULT TO QUANTIFY, LOGIC TELLS US THAT THE CONSEQUENCES OF CHILD SEXUAL ABUSE (SUBSTANCE ABUSE ISSUES, MENTAL HEALTH PROBLEMS, BECOMING A PARENT AS A TEEN AND POOR PHYSICAL HEALTH) RESULT IN LOSS OF EARNING POTENTIAL OVER A LIFETIME.
An average of quality-of-life court awards (primarily lost earning potential) for a survivor of child sexual abuse is $115,000 in 2010 dollars (U.S. Department of Justice, 1996).
What are the Long Term Consequences of Child Sexual Abuse for Society?
Few have ever given thought to the tremendous impact child sexual abuse has on the economy and social fabric of our society. Child sexual abuse is at the root of many societal problems. If we examine each of the common individual consequences of child sexual abuse in light of the prevalence rate, we can see how child sexual abuse has ramifications for each and every one of us.
FACT: CHILD SEXUAL ABUSE PLAYS AN IMPORTANT ROLE IN THE COST OF MENTAL HEALTH SERVICES.
The direct cost of mental health is more than $97 billion annually in 2010 dollars (Mark, et. al., 1998). Indirect costs add another $110 billion or more annually in 2010 dollars (Rice & Miller, 1996). If child sexual abuse victims have a doubled risk for mental health conditions (Rohde, et. al., 2008; Dube,et. al., 2005; Waldrop, et. al., 2007; Day, et. al., 2003; Kendler, et. al., 2000; Voeltanz, et. al., 1999), logic suggests that child sexual abuse is responsible for annual mental health costs of at least $20 billion.
FACT: TEEN PREGNANCY IS A LONG-TERM, EXPENSIVE
SOCIETAL PROBLEM. CHILD SEXUAL ABUSE IS A MAJOR FACTOR IN TEENAGE
PREGNANCY RATES.
The U.S. government estimates that teen pregnancy costs the nation over $9 billion annually (National Campaign to Prevent Teen Pregnancy, 2004). If the applicable research (Noll, Shenk, & Putnam, 2009) is accurate, logic suggests that over $2 billion of this is attributable to child sexual abuse.
FACT: OVER-SEXUALIZED BEHAVIOR, COMMON FOR
CHILD SEXUAL ABUSE VICTIMS, CAN LEAD TO AN INCREASED RISK OF
SEXUALLY-TRANSMITTED DISEASES.
Sexually-transmitted diseases cost this nation $8.4 billion annually (Kaiser Family Foundation, 1997). If the research is accurate (Zierler, et. al., 1991: Allers, et. al., 1993; Dekker, et. al., 1990), logic tells us that over $1.5 billion of this is attributable to child sexual abuse.
FACT: A HUGE BODY OF RESEARCH CLEARLY DEMONSTRATES THAT INDIVIDUALS WITH A HISTORY OF CHILD SEXUAL ABUSE ARE SIGNIFICANTLY MORE LIKELY TO HAVE BOTH MINOR AND MAJOR HEALTH PROBLEMS. THE EXPENSE OF THESE MEDICAL CONDITIONS IS A BURDEN TO THE SURVIVOR, THE HEALTHCARE SYSTEM AND THE TAXPAYER. HEALTHCARE EXPENSE IS ONE OF THE MOST CRITICAL ISSUES FACING AMERICANS TODAY. WITH 42 MILLION ADULT SURVIVORS OF CHILD SEXUAL ABUSE IN THE U.S., THERE CAN BE DO NO DOUBT THAT CHILD SEXUAL ABUSE PLAYS A SIGNIFICANT ROLE IN OUR HEALTHCARE CRISIS.
FACT: ALTHOUGH THERE IS LITTLE RESEARCH ON THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN CHILD SEXUAL ABUSE AND POVERTY, THERE IS A BODY OF INFORMATION ON THE RELATIONSHIPS BETWEEN TEEN PREGNANCY, SUBSTANCE ABUSE AND MENTAL HEALTH ISSUES TO POVERTY. LOGIC TELLS US THAT CHILD SEXUAL ABUSE PLAYS A SIGNIFICANT ROLE IN THE HIGH RATE OF POVERTY IN THE U.S.
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